RSS

Monthly Archives: September 2011

If you understand Uganda, then you know what this list means:

By Stephen Twinoburyo.

Note: The lists below, of various sectors in Uganda, will keep getting updated – and growing:

UPDF – Uganda People’s Defence Forces – from Uganda Correspondent

General Yoweri Museveni


1. Gen. Aronda Nyakairima – Chief of Defence Forces (CDF)

2. Gen. Elly Tumwine- Special Adviser to President

3. Gen. Salim Saleh – Special Adviser to President

4. Gen. David Tinyefunza- Intelligence Co-ordinator

5. Lt. Gen. Ivan Koreta- Deputy CDF based at Ministry of Defence (MOD) Mbuya

6. Maj. Gen. Jim Owesigire – CAF –Entebbe

7. Maj. Gen. Joram Mugume – Head UPDF Land Forces

8. Maj. Gen. Kale Kaihura – Inspector General of Police

9. Maj. Gen. Pecos Kutesa – UPDF Doctrine

10. Maj. Gen. Nathan Mugisha – Head of UNISOM Somalia

11. Babashaija – Director General Prisons

12. Brig. Sabiiti – UPDF Engineering Division

13. Brig. J. Mugume – Head Army Shop

14. Brig. Rusoke – Joint Chief of Staff (COS)

15. Brig. Burundi – 1st Divsion Commander

16. Brig. Kankiriho – 3rd Division Commander

17. Brig. Kalyebala – Commandant Kabamba Training Wing

18. Brig. Rwehururu – Adviser to CDF

19. Brig. Mugisha – Head Field Artillery

20. Brig. P. Mugyenyi – Head of Motorized Division

21. Brig. James Mugira – Head Chieftainancy of Military Intelligence

22. Col. T. Mugume – Chief of Finance UPDF HQ

23. Brig. Moses Rwakitarite – COS Air Force Entebbe.

24. Col. Shaban Bantariza – Head Kyankwanzi Political School

25. Col. David Muhoozi – Head Armoured Division, Masaka

26. Col. Ramadhan Kyamulesire – Head Legal Department of UPDF

27. Col. Byarugaba – Head Education Dept, MOD Mbuya

28. Col. Bakahumula – Chief of Personnel/Administration

29. Col. Fred Mwesigye – Head of NEC/Industrialisation

30. Col. P. Katirima – UPDF Chief Political Commissar

31. Col Kareba – UPDF Chief of Pensions and Gratuity

33. Col. Victor Mwesigye – Deputy Signal/Communication Officer

34. Col. Mugisha – Head Military Police, Makindye.

35. Col. D. Twewombe – Deputy CMI

36. Col. Mushanyufu – UPDF Head of IT/Records

37. Col. Ronnie Balya – Director General Internal Security Organisation

38. Col. Muhoozi Kainerugaba – Commander of Special Forces Group (Pres Museveni’s son)

39. Lt. Col. Sabiiti – Commanding Officer Presidential Guard Brigade

40. Lt. Col. John Namanya – OPN PGB

41. Lt. Col. Birungi – UPDF Head of Artillery

42. Lt. Col. Nyarwa – UPDF Head of Marine Unit

43. Lt. Col. Kanyagonya – CMI Legal Officer

44. Col. Felix Kulaigye – UPDF Spokesman

45. Lt. Col. Paddy Ankunda – UPDF Spokesman Somalia

46. Lt. Col. Bakoku Barigye – UNISOM Spokesman based in Mogadishu

47. Lt. Col. Karugaba – Deputy Chief of Logistics and Engineering

48. Lt. Col. Kagoro – UPDF Deputy Legal Officer, based at Mbuya

49. Lt. Col. Karemire – UPDF Head Protocol Section

50. Lt. Col. Grace Agaba – UPDF Director of Administration

51. Lt. Col. Tumisiime – Head Special Investigating Branch (SIB)

52. Lt. Col. Ishoke – Director CMI Counter Intelligence

53. Lt. Col. Winyi – UPDF Director of Records

54. Lt. Col. Kakuru – UPDF Director of Personnel

55. Major Tukacungura – UPDF Chief Prosecutor, Bombo

56. Major Mugyerwa – UPDF Director of Finance

56. Major Mbonye – Head JAT – CMI based at Kololo

57. Major Asaba – CMI Analyst based at Mbuya

58. Capt. Jonah Musinguzi – Director UPDF Forex Bureau

59. Mrs. Rosette Byengoma – Permanent Sec. MOD HQ Mbuya

60. Mrs. Naome Kibajju – Under Secretary MOD (I/C Logistics in UPDF)

61. Mrs. Buturo – Under Secretary (Finance) MOD Mbuya

62. Mrs. Mbabazi – Director Arms Factory Nakasongola

63. Mrs Kalenzi – SPPS – Defence to H.E based at Mbuya

64. Mr. Nawumanya – UPDF Head of Auditing Depart, Mbuya

65. Mr. Grace Turyagumanawe – Ex-Kampala Met. Police Commander

Original source: http://www.ugandacorrespondent.com/articles/2011/09/the-%E2%80%98ethnic-army%E2%80%99-keeping-museveni-in-power-2/

Uganda Police Force:

Who of these have been responsible for violations against people they are meant to protect?

Assistant IGP


  1. Turyagumanawe Grace
  2. Bisherurwa Richard
  3. Kiyaga Fred
  4. Sharita Julius
  5. Byakagaba Abas
  6. Sorowen Andrew
  7. Rwego Francis
  8. Bangirana Godfrey
  9. Asani Kasingye
  10. Jesca Orodriyo
  11. Ochom


Commissioners:

  1. Luvuma Samuel
  2. Isabirye Patrick
  3. Ndyomugyenyi Felix
  4. Ocaya James
  5. Arinaitwe Peneaha
  6. Sakira Moses
  7. Binoga Moses
  8. Kyamukama Samuel
  9. Twaruhukwa Erasmus
  10. Mugisha Bazil
  11. Kasiima Steven
  12. Mugisa Joseph
  13. Irungu Moses
  14. Muyirima Alfarouk
  15. Magara David
  16. Muwanga Elizabeth
  17. Muhatane Cleophas
  18. Oyo Nyeko Benson
  19. Ndugutse, Laban Muhabwe
  20. Kaweesi Andrew
  21. Ongom
  22. Bitwire

Uganda’s Topmost Corrupt Politicians as per Anti-Corruption Coalition Uganda (ACCU) – 2010

  1. Amama Mbabazi (Prime Minister)
  2. Yoweri Museveni (President)
  3. Jim Muhwezi (Member of NRM top brass and Former Minister of Health)
  4. Kahinda Otafiire (Justice Minister)
  5. Ezra Suruma (Former Finance Minister)
  6. MD David Jamwa (Former National Social Security Fund Boss)
  7. Mike Mukula (Former State Minister for Health)
  8. John Nasasira (NRM Chief Whip and Former Transport Minister)

This list was compiled at the when sentiments around the NSSF saga were high and it’s likely that taking the hosting of CHOGM into consideration, other people like Sam Kuteesa (Minister of Foreign Affairs) would feature prominently. People like David Jamwa could instead drop off.

Advertisements
 
7 Comments

Posted by on September 27, 2011 in Stephen Twinoburyo's blogs

 

AU must oust all despots

By Stephen Twinoburyo, Pretoria | 27 September, 2011 00:02: iLIVE

 
 
3 Comments

Posted by on September 27, 2011 in Stephen Twinoburyo's blogs

 

It’s time for Uganda’s cultural leaders to stand up for their people

By Stephen Twinoburyo

Leaders, by virtue of their positions are looked up to by their people and are expected to offer comfort and guidance in difficult times. A lot has been going on in Uganda in the past few years and each year, things get progressively worse. The abuse of Ugandans by the authorities seems to be unprecedented and the hopelessness of the people has never been this profound. The misery of the people is equally matched by the plunder of national resources by the few that control them. President Museveni has often proclaimed that he doesn’t care what the people think.

In all this, I am wondering: where do our cultural leaders stand? When we study history, we learn that cultural leaders used to be protectors of their people. We have read how kings did all in their powers to ensure that their people were cared for. What has happened to our kings? There is almost nowhere in Uganda that blatant abuse by this regime has taken place than in Buganda. What is the Kabaka of Buganda doing about this? Yes, Museveni may have pushed through parliament the cultural leaders’ bill largely to muzzle the Kabaka (https://ugandaspeaks.wordpress.com/2011/01/04/ugandas-cultural-leaders-bill-2010-what-do-you-think/ ). That does not make the bill legitimate or acceptable. The apartheid regime in South Africa passed many laws that people did not accept and in fact rallied to fight. That the cultural leaders’ bill is allowed to stand and actually seem legitimate is a blot on our civil activism.

My main concern however, is the silence of the country’s kings in the face of massive sufferings by their people. A father, for instance cannot see his children go out daily only to return bruised and he keeps quiet. A religious leader cannot give his sermons as normal if his/her congregations get brutalised each time they are going to or from worship. Why are our kings living as if everything in the country and more so in their regions, is normal?

Will these kings stand up for their people?

The queen of England can never keep quiet if the British government were to start traumatising the people of England and neither would the Zulu king if the South African government started torturing the Zulu people.

The Kabaka of Buganda in particular has immense influence and a great following. If he stood up for the rights of his people, his words would have a great impact on their emancipation. Much of the comfort Museveni enjoys in the central region, and the arrogance he exudes, is because the Kabaka has granted it to him. Museveni can try and intimidate the Kabaka using his soldiers and military might but in reality there is nothing he can do to the Kabaka, and more so, there is nothing he can do to the people of Buganda. The people of Buganda are far mightier than Museveni and his guns. The Kabaka of Buganda, by virtue of the expectations society have of him as a leader, needs to stand up for the human rights and diginity of not only the Baganda but entire the people of Uganda. So should other kings in Uganda – Bunyoro for instance. Simply waving at people from motorcades and communicating to them through kingdom radios is not going to liberate the people. A king whose people live under trauma of somebody else has little to say about his kingdom.

Ugandans have stood up and said what they want. Many have faced torture and bullets. Many wake up each morning to see guns outside their doors or on the street corners. In all this, our cultural leaders have remained non-existent. What culture are they protecting?

The forefathers of our current kings could never have stood by idly. What will our kings say in future they did to protect their people?

 
4 Comments

Posted by on September 25, 2011 in Stephen Twinoburyo's blogs

 

The bitterness of sweet Ugandans

By Hassan Higenyi

Says sweet Ugandans are now bitter

All signs seem to suggest that this might be President Museveni’s worst, and hopefully his last, time/term in power. It’s so obvious that you don’t have to be a visionary to see it; rather, even the blind and dumb can feel it. The writing on the walls, both literarily and literally, such as on facebook walls, are so plain clear for anyone to read that Ugandans, normally reputed for our sweetness or hospitable nature, have fast-turned bitter with good reason to.

But that’s not what should worry the Big Man. After all, some of us, especially the so-called critics, are actually mere haters – we just love to hate or rant pointlessly. That’s something I recently learned from humorist Ernest Bazanye’s ka-small new and free book (in PDF), The Ballad of Black Bosco, which I recommend for every Kampalan with an urban style and sense of humor. And besides, it’s common sense that, try as Museveni might, you just can’t please everyone.

What ought to bother President Museveni, though, is the bipartisan nature of this anger. Ugandans across the board, regardless of their political party affiliations, young and old, literate and illiterate, seem angry like never before under Museveni’s regime. This sort of indiscriminate anger, I think, poses a potent threat to his grip on power. It also appears we are not afraid anymore and/or we’re getting bolder at expressing our anger and/or discontent.

Of course, one may reasonably argue that it’s a worldwide trend due to the global economic crisis or hardships like the high food and fuel prices, inflation, and blah, blah, blah. All that may make sense, and we should perhaps feel for those in power grappling to sort things out in such trying times. But still that doesn’t change the fact that the cost of living is ridiculously high and people are not happy about it, and thus want something done about it.

What’s more, either the government doesn’t give a damn, doesn’t get it or its attempts to calm people down are not working. Now it’s as if being angry is the in-thing and an un-angry Ugandan is a fake one. In Kampala now, almost everyone is bitter and Jennifer Musisi seems to be adding salt to injury by kicking vendors off the streets and the suggestions to keep bodabodas (passenger motorbikes) out of the city centre.  And while teachers and lecturers are angry over meager salaries, parents and students of Makerere are also angry with its inconvenient closure.

Enter other issues such as: UMEME (now apparently redefined as: Ugandans Must Expect Minimal Electricity), Mabira giveaway, Wikileaks, the parading of confessed murderers (terrorists and Draru), the oil and petroleum sharing agreements, the illegal detention of a little-known anti-Museveni book’s writer, etc. Yes there’s anger world over, but it’s undeniable that Uganda now obviously ranks high on the unhappy list (if such indexes are anything to go by).

Meanwhile, the media is dutifully, and enjoyably, playing along and dancing to the public’s angry tune. As noted earlier that being angry is like the in-thing, it also seems stories that appeal to people’s anger are now more newsworthy. Even newspaper columnists, with the exception of a few, have all – be it political, social, economic/business, or sports – picked up on this angry trend and resorted to just ranting and character assassination.

Admittedly, it occurred to me that Mzee John Nagenda’s interview with Sunday Monitor captured people’s attention because it seemed to echo the popular but repressed anger towards the President. I personally felt similarly in the next interview of Mike Mukula over Museveni grooming his son to succeed him, the prospect of which is rather unflattering to the citizenry. Therefore, with all this seething, one can’t help wondering what will eventually come of it.

(Now, it’s common knowledge that most Ugandans hate books, but anger just might turn round our pathetic reading and writing culture … as per images of the mentioned proof below!)

The cover of little-known Vincent Nzaramba’s now-famous anti-Museveni book, ‘People Power’The cover of Ernest Bazanye’s unpublished hilarious little book, ‘The Ballad of Black Bosco’

 
3 Comments

Posted by on September 24, 2011 in Stephen Twinoburyo's blogs

 

Of Museveni’s Middle Class And Emancipation Districts

By Amon Mbekiza

Perhaps buoyed by Ugandan journalist, Andrew Mwenda’s hypocritical article about the current crisis in the country, the Sunday Vision of September 18, 2011, quotes Museveni explaining the crisis as ‘increased consumption due to a growing consumer middle class’. And the sinker lies in this same argument by the president: ‘increased consumption’, thus a consumer middle class. What the president does not tell us and the journalists he addressed did not raise, is that this consumption by Museveni’s middle class has two destructive ingredients: spending ill-gotten money on imported consumer goods. These are the two sinkers that we are blind to, and which our leaders are branding signs of success, instead of worrying about them as destructive cancers and trends.

One major indicator advanced by our leaders is the increased number of vehicles on our roads. What they do not tell us is that these are literally baggage that the Japanese are off-loading from their system as they go hitech into more economical vehicles, thus off-loading guzzlers onto Uganda. We have more vehicles, not because we are getting richer, but because the Japanese are getting richer and more hitech: thus the cheap ‘brand new, posh’ cars on our roads, since Japan no longer recycles old vehicles to get components for new ones.  We are actually the biggest consumers of mitumba (second-hand) vehicles globally, with 99% of the vehicle market in Uganda being mitumba. In a producer economy, this ‘middle-class’ consumption would be a boon to the economy. Because for every truck or bus bought, this translates into thousands of jobs along the value chain of the various linked industries and sectors involved in its production: steel, tyres, glass, paint, electrical, electronics, direct and indirect services. This is where middle class consumption in a producer economy makes sense. This where Kenya beats Uganda and will stay miles ahead, unless we rethink our strategies. Even with simple groceries, only 1.2% of groceries on the shelves of super markets are Ugandan-produced. Even eggs and green vegetables are imported. We produce 0.001% of our textile and leather needs. All shopping arcades are full of imported mitumba, rejects and fakes. Yet for every one shirt bought, 1,700 people are employed in the linked  and cross-linked value web.  Studies into the emergence of economic powers tell us that Spain and Portugal (currently two members of the euro zone’s PIGS Club) once dominated world sea trade. The ditching came because of consumption economics. A middle-class, spending ill-gotten wealth and money begged elsewhere can never be an engine for growth. The ‘posh’ cars, mansions, shopping sprees, showbiz education…e.t.c are identified with civil servants working  in ‘projects’, ‘connected fellows’, employees of ‘civil society’, all of which are linked to begged dollars or earned  through patronage institutions a la Heritage, Umeme, Uganda Railways, Chogm, et al. True, we have a middle class, but it will not transform Uganda. THIS IS WHERE OUR OPPOSITION IS FAILING US: FAILURE TO PROVIDE  CREDIBLE, FACT & FIGURE-FILLED ANTI-THESIS TO UTTERANCES OF THIS NATURE

On the political economy of the districts, if we are to go by Museveni’s emancipation theory, then we are set to have 52 or less districts. His major variable in donating districts , according to what is reported, is a common language. Based on this, Buganda should be one district, Bunyoro one district, save Kiryandongo, which is largely Luo-populated; Busoga should be one district; Nkore-Kigezi ( save for Kisoro) should be one district; Toro should be one district; Acholi should be one district; Lango should be one district, Teso should be one district et coetera. This, even if we go to ’emancipate’ the Kakwa and the Labwor, through separate districts for them, will see us have a maximum of 52 linguistically distinct districts. You score on this one, Mr President. Parliament, please  take up the formula: common language!!!!!!!!!!!

As earlier argued,  Uganda’s problem is easy to fix: all it requires is sincere and honest leadership from us all. Simple.

 

 
Leave a comment

Posted by on September 23, 2011 in Stephen Twinoburyo's blogs

 

Demands Over Term Limits Growing

By Twinoburyo-Omwanawomuntu

Calling for restoration of term-limits.

A Parliament is an important arm of Government and, if it becomes fused with the Executive and compromised, the laws it promulgates become repugnant to the electorates and even to the law makers themselves. The 7th Parliament erred through a moneyed conspiracy that determined the removal of term limits for the presidency from which most of the current problems in the country originate; the law has since become contentious and vexatious that it now requires reforms.

In the Observer, September 15-18, 2011, under the heading, “NRM MPs WANT TERM LIMITS BACK,” the politicians were allegedly drafting a bill seeking to restore the term limits and to demand that President Museveni leaves power before 2016 elections. In Saturday Monitor 17, 2011, David Pulkol of the UPC Party wants Uganda kicked out of EAC over term limits.

The Red Pepper, September 17, 2011 came with the headline, “M7 IN SEMI RETIREMENT,” and that the corridors of power believe Museveni might step down before his term; he spends most of his time at his upcountry homes with his family members advising them to start transitioning themselves into ordinary citizens.

Museveni should have quit power before, had it not been for Muammar Gaddafi enticing him not to leave power as a revolutionary fighter. Museveni was earlier quoted as saying that he would relinquish power without stampede. He had also assured the Ugandans that he would not seek another term after 2001 elections, but it never happened!

If the 9th parliament deems it expedient that it is time to restore term limits to match with the other States in the region, then Uganda would be in a better position for good governance in a free democratic environment.

 
Leave a comment

Posted by on September 22, 2011 in Stephen Twinoburyo's blogs

 

Andrew Mwenda, aren’t you dishonest to attribute the current crisis in Uganda to Museveni’s success?

By Amon B Mbekiza

In a lengthy treatise in The East African Sept 12-18, Andrew Mwenda labours to explain the current crisis in Uganda as a result of Museveni’s success, thus the ‘gravedigger’ theorem dilemma. Citing what he calls social and transformative leadership, he likens M7’s situation to those of leaders in South Korea and Taiwan among others. Now, a cursory comparison of the economies of Uganda and Taiwan or Korea reveals the exact opposite of what Mwenda twists and calls Museveni’s success. Well, perhaps I have been on another planet for the last two decades, but the truth is that Museveni is paying the price for his failed political and economic leadership. The Asian cases Mwenda quotes are examples of a successful, developmental state, while Museveni’s Uganda is a classic predator state, rivalring Mobutu’s Zaire. The new ‘social classes’ Mwenda lists are a creation of what we term the ‘trentine factor’: three decades of a headless-chicken economy that Uganda has been under Museveni. It amazes that Mwenda refuses to acknowledge that what he calls the Twiterati and Facebookers in Uganda, are at the tail end of technology and innovation. ICT in particular, is an aid to development and can only have meaning in context. That’s why here we simply consume other people’s innovations and move around heads-high, chest-thumbing,claiming to belong to the ‘dot-com’ era.

25 years after Museveni came to power promising growth, many places around Kampala are still like this.

To appreciate the real impact of Museveni’s ‘success’ on Uganda, Mwenda may want to visit an artist friend of mine, whose office is graced with a huge digitally-printed canvass banner, titled ‘ LEST WE FORGET’. Below, in a mosaic-type print, are the logos and slogans of the drivers of Uganda’s economy prior to the Museveni era: Uganda Development Bank, Ugadev Bank, Uganda Commercial Bank, The Cooperative Bank, Uganda Cooperative Insurance, Nyanza Textile Industries, Uganda Development Corporation, The Uganda Fish Marketing Corporation, Uganda Airlines, Uganda Motors, Uganda Garment Industries, Cranes Uganda, Uganda Railways Corporation, Uganda Transport Company, People’s Transport Company, East Mengo Cooperative Union, Wamala Cooperative Union, Lango Cooperative Union, Kigezi Cooperative Union, Masaka Cooperative Union, Banyankore Kweteerana Cooperative Union, Kilembe Mines, Uganda Meat Industries, Uganda Grain Milling Company, Uganda Electricity Board, National Housing and Construction Corporation, Lake Victoria Bottling Company, Iki-Iki Cooperative Union, Mulco Industries, The Uganda Metal Plating and Enameling Company, Bata Uganda,Uganda Petroleum Company, Uganda Tobacco Company Ltd, Ankole Transport Company Ltd, Lira Spinning Mills.

Major highway out of Kampala

Intrigued by this, I sought to know what prompted this guy to resurrect the dead. ‘Institutional economic memory’, is what drives him. He was pushed to this after an insult he received from an ‘investor’ whose company logo he printed, but the ‘investor’ instead of paying him, insulted him, reminding him that Ugandans are good-for-nothing, who cant do anything for themselves and their country, and should instead be grateful to ‘investors’ who come to create jobs for them. Infuriated, my artist friend took to this huge task that at one point cost him dearly. Some technocrat wanted to know why he was looking for logos of companies long dead.

Common sight in Kampala

Unless Mr Mwenda is being dishonest with himself, he well knows that the major cause of the current unrest in Uganda is not a pre-industrial, tribal, clan, society that M7 diagnosed and went ahead to transform into a ‘liberalised, capitalist economy and society’. There is nothing wrong with our tribes and clans. Israel, a modern state and economy by any standards, has the clan and the tribe as her core bond. Japan, Thailand are still ruled by emperors. The small Scandinavian states, whose few million people support Ugandans and Africans through aid, are monarchies, with kings and queens. The tribe and clan in our case only gets invoked in situations of scarcity, where one throws the ‘fattest maggot’ to his own chicken! In the face of unemployment, occasioned by a liberalised, foreign-owned, consumer-importer, shopping mall economy, the few jobs available must be fought for, and in such a scenario, akin to a huge polygamous family that is perennially food insecure, one seeks his immediate ‘biological’ sibling. Thus the tribe and clan phenomenon of our politics and rent-seeking.

One of Museveni's Universal Primary Education schools

The army of unemployed graduates is a result of this liberalised economy, which cannot be a basis for a focused human development strategy that would otherwise produce productive graduates according to the targeted needs of a transforming economy. Just like imported balloons and toys, education in Uganda is another good on the market, packaged and offered according to the consumer’s capability, not a national obligation and well thought, integral component of socioeconomic transformation. This, spiced with external influence serving external interests, finds fertile ground in a generation deprived by its leadership, while witnessing pockets of opulence, who preach patriotism while abetting, nay actively participating, in the raping of the pearl. Mwenda can have access to data on the bitter truth about National Insurance Corporation ( NIC) and Uganda Electricity Board. They are potential microcosm cases for one seeking to research into Uganda’s privatisation experience as one manifestation of a predator state.

Majority of Ugandans live like this.

True, Museveni has had relative successes, aided by other Ugandans, but it would be intellectual dishonesty to attribute the current situation to successes rather than failures. The central cause of Uganda’s crisis today is a deliberately weakened state, whose institutions can no longer function to drive socioeconomic transformation, beyond the narrow interests of those who occasioned it in the first place. And in a bid to survive, the various interest groups in the country will seek alliances, local and foreign, that best serve their immediate physiological appetites, under the guise of national causes, just like those they claim to oppose. Thus the industrial actions, the MUASA phenomenon, KACITA, the artificial sugar scarcity, et cetera. As I write on the letters page of the same issue of The East African, UGANDA’S PROBLEM IS DISHONESTY WITH HERSELF and it gets more worrying when we read it in the young generation as evidenced by Mwenda’s treatise. Singapore, a typical success-benchmark for Uganda, owes her prosperity to two sentences running in her people’s blood:

-NO CRIME SHALL GO UNPUNISHED, REGARDLESS OF WHO COMMITS IT.

-NO EFFORT SHALL GO UNREWARDED, REGARDLESS OF WHO EXPENDS IT.

The majority of Ugandans access their water in this manner.

Our clans and tribes, which we are misusing, can be a basis for instilling such values in us, which we desperately need. Pro Deo et Patria!!!

Inside the US $48M Gulfstream Jet President Museveni bought to replace the less opulent Gulfstream IV he bought at US $31 M less than 10 years earlier.

 
5 Comments

Posted by on September 11, 2011 in Stephen Twinoburyo's blogs