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Memorandum by Ugandans to President Jacob Zuma, 08 June 2012

Our Ref: HURVI Memorandum to President Jacob Zuma, June 2012.
HIS EXCELLENCY JACOB ZUMA
PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA
UNION BUILDINGS
PRETORIA

Dear Mr President.

RE: MASSIVE HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES BY THE UGANDAN AUTHORITIES UNDER THE DICTATORSHIP OF PRESIDENT YOWERI KAGUTA MUSEVENI.

1 . BACKGROUND

The Human Rights Voice International in South Africa, on behalf of its members from Uganda living in South Africa, submits this Petition to you against Uganda police and military brutality on Ugandans.
This Memorandum is intended to bring to your attention and the government of South Africa the brutality of the Ugandan regime and urge you to urgently reconsider this country’s foreign policy with regard to the government of Uganda and specifically President Museveni. Human rights abuses have permeated all spheres of life for people living in Uganda and even affect some that live outside the country.

2 . CURRENT

The prevailing human rights abuses by the government of Uganda have worsened since the 11th April 2011, when Ugandans embarked on the walk-to-work campaign to express their demands for respect of human rights. The response by Uganda government has been that of systematic and consistent brutality on unarmed vulnerable citizens, with the help of some of the arms and armoured vehicles purchased from South Africa.

Arbitrary arrests, torture and death of opposition supporters, harassment of opposition leaders and intimidation of the general population by the police and military forces are daily occurrences. Media groups, both the local and international, have been at the receiving end too.

All this state brutality using the police and military forces has been widely covered by both the Ugandan and international media as well as many human rights organisations. This was also brought to your attention in a petition handed to your office in May last year by the Uganda Civil Alliance Network (UCAN). The same organisation sent a letter to the South African parliament’s Defence and International Relations portfolio committees in December last year regarding these abuses and the role of South African products in the repression of Ugandans. In both these documents, the situation in Uganda and its broader reach were widely narrated. The situation in Uganda has remained that of despair.

This memorandum adds onto UCAN’s previous documents and seeks to reinforce to you the gravity of the current situation in Uganda.

Furthermore, this brutality has had the consequence of increased influx of Ugandan refugees into South Africa, thereby having a ripple effect on this country’s residents, politically, socially and economically. Sometimes the Department of Home Affairs officials have tended to misread the Ugandan situation when dealing with Ugandan asylum seekers but the reality is that the situation in the country is forcing many Ugandans to flee their country.

Though the country holds elections, Ugandans have lost faith in them under the current arrangement as they are mainly an exercise to put a face to the country’s dictatorship and do not express the true will of the people as has been shown by instability following the previous elections.

3. OUR REQUEST

Your Excellency. as the leader of South Africa, a modern democratic and human rights respecting country, whose democratic principles are underpinned by Human Dignity, Equality and Freedom, we Ugandans wish to emulate these principles in our country, Uganda.

3.1. Your Excellency, we would appreciate if you would address the issue of human rights abuses carried out by the Uganda police and military forces, with President Museveni.

Ugandans want President Zuma to wield a stick instead.

3.2. We request the South African government through you to urgently reconsider/revise its foreign policy and approach when dealing with the government.

3.3. We request that you put a stop to the sale of arms from this country to Uganda because of the misery these arms visit on ordinary Ugandans through the havoc they wreck.

3.4. We request that you review the training of the current Ugandan military personnel in this country.

3.5. We request that under the prevailing situation in Uganda, Ugandan political asylum seekers should be dealt with in relation to the existing brutal political situation in the country.

Your positive take on these concerns of Ugandans and in their struggle for their basic human rights, is a massive step forward in the international contribution to desperate Ugandans to obtain their rights and the same rights as enjoyed in South Africa today.

We thank you very much Mr President.

Convener: Dennis William Kyazze …………………………………………………….

Deputy Convener: Timothy Mugerwa…………………………………………………

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Posted by on June 9, 2012 in Stephen Twinoburyo's blogs

 

Uganda: Strong ‘Unfettered’ Private Sector vs Weak Public Sector

By David Bikaako

I spent a week in Kagutaland (Uganda). Great experience and couldnt pass up the opportunity to do a bit of sightseeing and do a street-view weigh up of ‘NRM’s development.’

There is no doubt that there has been positive and huge change overall. My observation though was that a lot of what is going on is really private sector development. This, from the huge new commercial properties in Kampala, to the booming residential property market, the hundreds of new retail outlets, the new hotels/restaurants, the banking sector and loan sharks, the vibrant telecoms sector, petty traders and food vendors on the streets, private schools, health clinics, and of course, the ubiquitous boda-boda services. It is private sector all the way, and no doubt, impressive.

Kampala Suburbs

By comparison, the public/state sector is conspicuous by its absence. One does not get the sense that all the private sector growth and change is being driven or regulated by a fully functional public/state sector. There is not a sense that the state is acting effectively to support and nurture the booming private sector. Hence, there is a largely chaotic feel to all the change evident in Kampala and other towns.

It was fascinating to see the new huge multi-billion shilling buildings mushrooming in downtown Kampala but alongside these are shacks, slumy dwellings, old decrepit buildings, and of course poor access to them via Kampala’s dusty, narrow, potholed roads. Rubbish, of course, remains strewn everywhere and drainage poor. I am told Kampala City executive Director, Ms Jennifer Musisi, has done a good job cleaning up the city streets, but there is certainly a long, long way to go. Thanks to the weak state/poor urban planning, it is no wonder that issues like flooding remain a concern in the city.

Perhaps the greatest show in Kampala, and one that displays this booming or unfettered-private-sector vs weak-state-sector situation is played out on its roads. Thousands of boda bodas (taxi motor-bikes) ply every single route, battling for space with millions of private cars, taxis, and bustling human traffic. The narrow and potholed roads of course add to the mix, and ‘poor driving’ seems like an absolute must! Mayhem is how to describe it all. Yes, there is the odd policeman attempting to bring about some order to traffic flows, but even they realise that it is a pointless task.

Kampala taxis

For a country that has such a weak export base, surely, it cant be right that it wastes valuable foreign exchange on importing millions of secondhand cars, boda bodas, and of course, even more in fuel import bills to keep all those vehicles on the roads. A mass transport system – buses, mainly – is what Kampala needs. [I’ll say nothing about Kampala’s shops which are filled to capacity with cheap imported goods vis-a-vis the anaemic local manufacturing sector. That is a story for another day]

It is only a miracle that there are not more accidents and deaths on Kampala’s roads.

In a nutshell, there is almost a sense that government is happy to largely abdicate responsibility to the private sector. This, except for national defence/policing, taxation and the small, bureaucratic and largely inefficient public administration.

The private sector, on other hand, has chosen to march forward and is largely succeeding despite the state/government and not because of it.

Response by Philip Nsajja

Kulikayo muganda wange. I’m glad you got a chance to soak in some of the impressive and not-too-impressive goodies that Kagutaland has to offer, albeit under very difficult circumstances.

Only a hawk-eyed guy like you, with a knack for noticing the finest of details can be trusted to do this justice. This is a very fair and balanced assessment. If Kaguta and his cohorts continue to shamelessly take all the credit for this admittedly impressive private sector development, so be it. I guess there really isn’t anything that can be done about it. They will obviously argue that the strides that have been made are a result of the “peace” they ushered in a quarter-century ago that has enabled businesses to thrive.

Now how their abdication of responsibility for the things that government is supposed to do – like fixing roads and urban planning – can be reconciled with the unencumbered spirit of free enterprise, I honestly do not know. But if I have to venture an opinion, I think there is room for both. Just this morning as I was driving to work I listened to an interview by the President of the American Enterprise Institute – a conservative think tank – who was making the argument that whereas capitalism should have a moral credo and must be fair, government is a hindrance to free enterprise and should just budge out. I am obviously philosophically at odds with that point of view, but if you get a chance, listen to what he has to say.

http://www.npr.org/2012/05/22/153259424/road-to-freedom-moral-argument-for-free-enterprise?ft=1&f=1032&sc=17

The powers that be in Kampala are obviously not grappling with these deep philosophical and economic models; they just don’t give a damn. As long as they have powerful security forces protecting their grip on power, they wouldn’t care less about the daily inconveniences and indignities which the people who have made Kampala thrive have to endure daily. They are however quick to take credit for the “success”, and that’s a damn shame.

 
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Posted by on May 25, 2012 in Stephen Twinoburyo's blogs

 
Aside

By Stephen Twinoburyo

From time to time, I have seen debates mainly on social media, but sometimes in mainstream media, referring to Uganda’s ethnic groups and this has often turned fiery whenever the discussion has been about the ‘ruling’ Bahiima ethnic group. The most recent hullabaloo concerns comments attributed to an NTV presenter.

I, as a Munyankole, and having partly grown up in a predominantly Bahiima area, Nyabushozi, wish to give my own opinion/analysys with reference to Bahiima viz-a-viz transition from the traditional pastoralists to the national role-players.

Most of my blood relatives live, or used to live, in the Kazo-Kiruhura area in the former Nyabushozi, after my great grandfather migrated into the area according to the history presented by my father in his book “Ruganyirwa’s Grandchildren”. Following on his ancestoral belonging, my father acquired land in the then very rural Kiruhura and went ahead to develop the land i.e fencing it, clearing the shrubs, digging a dam and building the first tile-roofed house that I knew then in Nyabusozi. Most of this happened in the early 1980s when President Museveni was then in the bush. Much as this should have been a good development, the Bahiima neighbours were infuriated that this private land had been developed and fenced off. I remember one time a group of Bahiima pastolists standing by the roadside gazing at my father’s farm and saying “Ekyata kyomwiru eki kikurize obunyatsi! (i.e this mwiru idiot has really nurtured pasture!).

That farm became a nightmare to us as a family, mostly after President Museveni’s NRA took power. Countless times, the pastoralists would cut the fence and graze their cattle within my father’s farm, armed with spears, and later guns. While my father had troughs for properly watering the cows, they would push their cows directly into the dam, hence causing damage to it. This became a hot issue often with people that were then said to be ‘connected’ to State House ‘backing’ the pastoralists and in fact issuing threats. Eventually my father, on our advice for our safety, abandoned his farm, being bought at a throw-away price by an afande (army officer). We were by then no longer living on it due to threats to his life and he in fact survived death at one point from a group of Bahiima by a whisker. Our family left Kiruhura and hopefully I will never live in Nyabushozi again. President Museveni kept promising to meet my father over this matter and resolve it but like many things he has promised, this remained that – air. My father not being a person used to the almost gutter-level lobby environment that has been established around Museveni, let the matter pass. I, a while back, sent a letter to President Museveni to remind him of these events.

So why am I narrating all this, especially making reference to the events surrounding my family? According to history, Bahiima were purely pastoralists and according to them all grazeable land belonged to them. Any place with good pasture was open to them and they had a right to graze that land. Possibly our Bahiima neighbours genuinely felt entitled to the results of my father’s work. After all he was a Mwiru and by default meant to sweat – for them. In the old times, a Muhiima man was recognised according to the number of cows he had and some Bahiima believed that all cows belonged to the Hima race. There was in fact a joke that when the Bahiima were being taken to Teso and Karamoja to fight after Museveni came to power, they were told that the purpose was to recover their ‘stolen’ cows. This traditional belief of being ultimate possessors may in a way have given some Bahiima a nortion they had a right to possession of anything good that belonged to a non-Muhima. In fact some did not consider a non-Muhima to have a human status. For instance, when a Muhima would enter a bus full of people and see no Muhima among them, he would exclaim “egi baasi ketarimu muntu!” (i.e how come there is no person in this bus!).

My narration here is not meant to denigrate Bahiima in any way but to rather give perspective to some of the behaviours I notice. I have close Bahiima friends, some dating from our childhood days, and have had family linkages with Bahiima.

Image

The Bahiima have largely immigrated from these cows but some of their traits seem to have remained.

Over the last two decades most Bahiima have immigrated from their pastoral traditions into modern means of living and in the process taking on other skills, for instance, in governance, commerce, the military, professional services e.tc. This is very commendable because any government needs to develop its citizens. However my analysis winds down to reports we hear that under Museveni, Bahiima occupy all top resource areas in the country. They are said to occupy all top army or security positions and those who have acquired wealth, have acquired it massively such that they may not even know what they have. The wanton plunder of national resources by those in power or those connected to them has reached unprecedented levels. There is a belief among some people that those who are in positions of authority don’t care what happens to the country but are rather interested in plundering it as much as they can irrespective of how much they already have and what poverty levels the rest of the Ugandans will sink to. Most of society seeing this as the trend of the rulers seem to have adopted it as the modus operandi and it’s the default position of almost any youth raised in Uganda in the last 30 years.

This brings me to the question that came to my mind and motivated my writing: Did some Bahiima carry their traditional traits onto the national arena?

Maybe.

Did some Bahiima carry their traditional traits onto the national arena?

 
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Posted by on April 8, 2012 in Stephen Twinoburyo's blogs

 

The Uganda government is responsible for the civil breakdown

By Stephen Twinoburyo

The death of Ugandan police officer, Assistant Inspector of Police Ariong was unfortunate and unnecessary. His death should never have occurred and more so the manner in which he was murdered. That he was on duty is non-debatable. Whether he was on a mission to protect civilians or terrorise them is debatable. However whatever mission he was on, the people he was deployed among could not view him as a friend considering the violence the police force he served has come to be associated with. Probably the current police force is the most brutal, most politically abused, most inhumanely treated by their masters yet daftly compliant and most disliked in Uganda’s history.

Now all and sundry within the NRM government are suddenly noticing a death that has occurred during a demonstration – in fact a walk that was supposed to be peaceful. These are people that have been masters of killings and to them a single death hardly raises alarm – and in many incidences celebrate deaths that have occurred on their hands. Now we hear this nonsense of them being very concerned. What utter rubbish! Everybody who wields authority, from the president, to the prime minister and so on, are now issuing threats and talking violence. This is a language that they have come to be associated with for years now. Don’t they realise that their language and actions lead to the situation we are seeing now? Don’t they realise that that Ugandans are fed up of the violence and threats of violence that are constantly rained from the top?

The president appeared in a shack that his government provides to a senior police officer as a home and, as Ugandans have come to know him, went on to allot threats to whichever direction he rolled his eyes to and appeared unashamed at the squalor surrounding him that he provides his police officers. The entourage of his security personnel could have easily outnumbered the immediate slum neighbourhood, with his motorcade of 50 plus vehicles dancefully negotiating their way over mud and potholes to the slain policeman’s home. One shudders to imagine how the constables live. Yet these poor souls are released almost on a daily basis to wreck terror on their brothers and sisters in the name of the leadership that has lost touch not only with the masses but even with itself.

Image

If the government were concerned about the police force, they would have not only respected them, but they would have also provided better for them. Now all they are trying to do is gain political capital out of this man’s death and get an leeway for random clampdowns simply because the demonstration he had gone to reign terror upon was organised by the opposition. The president is now urging the police to deal with the opposition ruthlessly. Then there’s this excuse of a minister (of State for Internal Affairs, James Baba) that was calling upon the slain officer’s body to be taken to parliament for display. Sometimes one gets a sense that some of these people are simply picked from the gutters and made ministers to yap whatever they think will sound pleasant to their out of touch master. Would taking the body to parliament have brought peace to Ugandans or joy to the bereaved family?

The Uganda government are the number 1 instigators of violence in the country and many of the problems we see in the country begin with them. It is them to change first if the situation in the country is to improve.

 
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Posted by on March 24, 2012 in Stephen Twinoburyo's blogs

 

Give ‘Juba’ a chance

By Daniel R Ruhweza

Imagine being called to a scene where a woman has just been bitten by a snake. Imagine that you have two options – either run into the bush and start hunting the snake down, or rushing the lady to the nearest health clinic before or after you have administered first aid. Of course there is no knowing what option many will choose – will it be option A? Option B? Both? Or will some even go ahead to become innovative or ingenious by Option C probably calling out for help with the snake while attending to the injured lady? The last option seems to be the preferred reading of the Juba Peace Process 2008.

For all its shortcomings, the Juba Peace Process was a breath of fresh air in the minds and livelihoods of many people who had suffered for long at the hands of the Lords Resistance Army insurgency. The parties at Juba however, not only sought to attend to the needs of the victims of the insurgency, but also sought the help of International Partners to do so. The lobbyists that participated and continue to participate in the aftermath of Juba came from all angles – local, international, religious, traditional, economic, political, NGO world, UN, name it. As such it can be fairly asserted that Juba was an example of international justice at its best.

Agenda Item 3 in which I am most interested was a true representation of what happens when ideas come together to forge the way forward. Parties agreed to promote traditional justice mechanisms (TJMs) as practised in the communities affected by the conflicts albeit with their ‘necessary modifications’. This was to be ‘a central part of the framework for accountability and reconciliation.’ Therefore, whereas Juba acknowledged that “formal criminal and civil justice measures (would be) applied to any individual who (was) alleged to have committed serious crimes or human rights violations in the course of the conflict,” it did not hamper the use of TJMs. This is because Juba had been lobbied to realise that in finding sustainable solutions to the LRA war, there was need to end the ‘immense pain and suffering of the victims, as well as the ‘socio- economic and political impacts of the conflict.’ The call was therefore for a nuanced understanding of Justice – one which not only answered the demands for retribution, but also sought to heal the wounds of the past, reconcile warring tribes, reconcile the government and ‘its’ people, compensate those who had suffered, facilitate the medium for truth, healing and memory, while attending to the psychological needs of the victims who often doubled as perpetrators. In essence challenge the notion that peace and justice are unable to walk hand in hand.

It is for this reason therefore that one wonders why the trial of the former rebel commander Thomas Kwoyelo has taken its current path. Kwoyelo is alleged to have been abducted by the LRA rebels and then recruited into their ranks. He was arrested in the DRC in 2009 and his trial started on the 11th of July 2011 at Gulu. He however challenged his trial on the grounds that he applied for Amnesty which was denied although other rebels have been granted amnesty before and after his application was made. The Constitutional Court agreed with his arguments and ordered his release. Kwoyelo however remains in custody since the State insists that he has other ‘civil crimes’ he committed which were not covered by amnesty.

The aforementioned actions by the State are self defeating. It is possible that international partners will look at non – prosecutorial justice as a form of impunity, but the examples of South Africa, Mozambique Rwanda and Sierra Leone should show that judicial remedies come in all shapes and sizes. This is the opportune time for the nation to test the feasibility of Juba and give credence to the long sleepless nights which the negotiating teams spent in the Garamba forests of the DRC. It is expected that many will argue that since Joseph Kony as leader of the LRA failed to sign the comprehensive peace Agreement, then the rest of the agreements are nugatory. However, there is nothing in law or fact that prohibits these agreements from being performed since they were executed by duly authorised officers whose principals have not reneged on the authority they bestowed. More over, former rebels continue to be granted amnesty by the Uganda Amnesty Commission ( inspite of the fact that the Attorney General argued that its own Act is unconstitutional) and formerly abducted children continue to return home where attempts are made at rehabilitating and reconciling them. Equally, the various programs such as the Northern Uganda Rehabilitation Action Plan which is supervised by the Office of the Prime Minister as assisted by other NGOs continue to be performed – albeit with challenges.

All these show that there is a willingness by the State to perform its obligations under the Agreements through the mainly national institutions. Although the government has controversially continued to pursue its military campaign against the LRA, evidence has always shown since 1986 that the results have been a backlash on the populations as seen in the December massacres in DRC after the failed ‘Operation Lightning Thunder.’ The death toll, forced migrations, abductions as well as the high numbers of injured people in the DRC, Central African Republic as well as the South Sudan all seem to indicate that there is need to re-think the merits of this military campaign since it has now become a regional problem. However, that is a discussion for another day.

However, it is the TJMs that the government seems very reluctant (or unable?) to use. For example, Kwoyelo has remained in custody in spite of the decision of the Constitutional Court and the International Crimes Division of the High Court of Uganda setting him free. IIn so doing, the State ignores its obligations under Juba which calls it to use ‘alternative justice mechanisms’ which include ‘customary processes of accountability’ as mentioned in the fourth Preamble to Juba. It is doubtful that a successful prosecution for other ‘civil crimes’ for which Kwoyelo is held is likely. One can only wait to be proven wrong since courtroom cases – with all their complexities- tend to have a life of their own. The government should instead facilitate the processes that will enable traditional justice mechanisms to take place as prescribed by Juba. Kwoyelo is arguably the most viable opportunity for the other arm of Juba to be used especially in light of the increased criticisms by African governments of the International Criminal Court. Kwoyelo is a unique case in which a former abductee’ (victim) turned rebel (perpetrator) gets to test the feasibility of traditional justice systems in helping to achieve a holistic and heterogeneous form of justice.

These mechanisms are said to be all inclusive – they are diverse, reconciliatory, retributive, compensatory, rehabilitative and help in achieving social reconciliation. Kwoyelo’s case would therefore be the first opportunity to learn about these mechanisms as well considering their ‘necessary amendments’ as alluded to by Juba. In light of the fact that Kwoyelo was allegedly abducted as a child by the LRA and rose through the rebel ranks, it will be interesting to see how the DPP successfully prosecutes him for a crime he committed while he was not in a state of rebellion. The Government rather to give a clear signal that its commitments to Juba were real and not Realpolitik. It should make it clear to those rebels who are still in the forests of Garamba that it is still committed to having a peaceful and holistic resolution to the conflict and that they should not give up their bid to escape the clutches of Kony and the LRA. However, should the government miss this opportunity, it will have taken confirmed that Joseph Kony was right after all – that the Government of Uganda does not honour its word.

The snake of atrocities has bitten Uganda. Help was sought and obtained. We ought now to treat and save the lives of the injured victims -using all possible means instead of only insisting on looking for the snake in the thickets.

The writer is a doctoral researcher on international criminal justice and blogs at

http://danielruhweza.blogspot.com

 
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Posted by on January 30, 2012 in Stephen Twinoburyo's blogs

 

Journalists should ask tasking questions

By Amon Mbekiza

President Museveni has repeated it countless times: Africa must resist recolonisation. The latest is during the state visit of the current AU Chairman, Obiang Nguema of Equatorial Guinea, whose term at the AU Museveni has hailed as exemplary, citing Nguema’s ‘stand’ on the Libyan and Ivory Coast issues. The AU had  a ‘stand’ which constituted disparate hurried ‘summits’ here and there, and that was just about it. The same on the Ivory Coast issue. aNd the media reports it as said, and we continue.

I am not a journalist, so I am not versed with  the ‘protocol and etiquette’ of presidential press conferences. Is it against best practices and good journalism during presidential press conferences, to pose questions such as

-Your Excellency, the AU took a stand, but NATO went ahead and had their way in Libya, even to the extent of  preventing African presidents from flying into Tripoli? Doesnt this mean that the AU is toothless against foreign powers?

-It was Africa’s two strong nations, South Africa and Nigeria that voted to allow NATO strikes and infiltration into Libya, wasn’t it this a sign of cooperation with the ‘aggressors’?

– In the case of Ivory Coast, it was the French troops that were in charge of the whole process, where was the AU?

-We need only 10,000 troops to pacify Somalia….why has the AU failed to raise the troops, leaving the financing of the few Ugandans and Barundi to the EU and US?

-A substantial  budget of the AU, and the national budgets of individual governments are funded by the same powers we regard as coming to colonise us. Doesn’t this blur the line between imperialists and development partners?

-Most African leaders do have hidden wealth in European and American capitals and dominions. Aren’t we partners in our own exploitation and oppression?

These and related questions are what should put presidents to task during these presidential press conferences. The nearest to this was in a ‘wrong’ forum to the wrong person: Andrew Mwenda’s question to Thabo Mbeki during the Makerere Institute of Social Research (MISR) Symposium. Everything in Africa, from war crimes to learning how to drink milk is foreign determined, funded and managed: so is Africa worth anything? And talking of symposia and the intelligentsia takes us to the other angle of Africa’s derailment: the role of the intelligentsia, which has been interpreted as stopping only at ‘analysing and synthesisng issues’, which exactly is what was the case of the MISR symposium that hosted Mbeki: a coffee-break, most invariably foreign funded, with theories expounded, pleasantries exchanged, jokes cracked, a few pent-up emotions released, et voila… Katanga transforms Makerere instead of the reverse!!

Africa can resist recolonisation. Only one key precondition: taming and resisting our greed. In the biggest  sense of the word. And it applies to us all, with the intelligentia and ‘politicians’ taking the lead. Else, we keep quiet and each one pays allegiance to highest paymaster. For instance, look at the source and purpose of the much-publicised  bursaries and sponsorships in Kampala!!!

 
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Posted by on January 30, 2012 in Stephen Twinoburyo's blogs

 

The Story of Golola Moses (of Uganda)! Our Golola Moses!

By Philip Nsajja

Author: Thinks Golola's stamina is only in words

According to the World KickBoxing Federation website (http://www.kawowo.com/index.php/kickboxing/450-wkf-declares-nagy-champion.html). Hungary’s Andras Nagy is the new Inter Continental Super Middleweight Champion.

I had saved most of my comments on this Golola Moses (of Uganda) shenanigan but it s come to a point where I can’t hold it in any longer.

This Hungarian chap walked into our house and essentially bitch-slapped our homeboy. And as if to prove the point that Golola Moses (of Uganda) was a mere showman, he didn’t even bother to take the belt along with him. The Ugandan gets to keep the hardware (and a very bruised ago) while Nagy gets all the accolades. Nagy was by all accounts very technical while our local boy was more brawn than brain. Guys who were there stated that you could see Golola Moses (of Uganda) rush in (‘ekigwo’ fashion) only to be met with deadly elbows by the savvy Nagy. Indeed Golola Moses (of Uganda)’s ability as a professional wrestler ought to interest many an investor!

Those who are now claiming that Golola Moses (of Uganda) won the fight must have smoked something. Matter of fact, the referee almost stopped the fight in 3rd round when Golola Moses (of Uganda) was dizzy and bleeding. But his management team sees things differently after agreeing to a rematch next year. The same management team that’s the source of this story:

According to the New Vision:(http://www.newvision.co.ug/news/314821-golola-in-financial-dispute-with-managers.html). Golola Moses (of Uganda) is demanding UG Sh30m from gate collections at the fight but his manager and promoter insists less money was collected because the fighter’s family commandeered the entrance to the venue of the fight and therefore caused losses.

“I can confirm that there is a dispute involving the promoter (Patrick Kanyomozi) and Golola’s brother Pastor Evans Mayambala. They brought bouncers to take over the gate and many people watched the fight for free,” Rafsanjani said Monday afternoon.
“However the promoter has told me he is still working out the money and Golola would be paid. It was a mess. I gave up my responsibility to keep my name,” Rafsanjani added. The boxer is reportedly stuck at Hotel Africana waiting for the money. Golola and his promoter agreed to share 40 and 60 per cent respectively. Mayambala addressed a press conference today insisting that Golola Moses (of Uganda) is the rightful winner of the fight with Andras Nagy.

Pastor Mayambala? I tend to be very leery of stories that involve Ugandan Pastors. That right there may be part of the problem.

Meanwhile, more reports out of Kampala claim that because Golola Moses (of Uganda)’s promoter and UBC sports journalist Patrick Kanyomozi, ran away with the money, the management of Hotel Africana is still holding the fighter, whose handlers claim is still bleeding with no medical attention.

But this may yet be another publicity stunt by Golola Moses (of Uganda)’s very media savvy PR team. An old friend of mine in Kampala actually called Golola Moses (of Uganda)’s number a few hours ago and it was picked by a man who claimed he was Golola’s manager who then stated that Golola Moses (of Uganda) was indeed still in his room at the hotel. Clearly, cash was a big issue leading to the fight and after it. It may even explain why the kickboxer wasn’t very focused in the ring.

But seriously, would Hotel Africana manage to hold back this man, the only man who:

• Can pocket while naked?
• Jogged from hospital at birth, leaving the mother behind?
• Can look at woman and she gets pregnant?

I don’t think so. If Golola Moses (of Uganda) really wants to storm out of his hotel room, he would do so, without lifting a finger. His steely gaze would be enough to send folks flailing for cover! Well, at least that was the case until some Hungarian dude rolled into town and showed us that it takes more than ‘lwali’ to win a fight. Actually, methinks the reasons for his loss are more mundane, as the attached picture of him weightlifting, clearly shows. But I digress!

Finally, from what I have heard from people who attended the fight, Golola Moses (of Uganda), exhibited typical power (African style) with little skill and tactical awareness to talk home about. His stamina/endurance was lacking putting into question his preparations for the fight. The much talked about and over-hyped training in the high altitude of the Kabale hills, apparently didn’t help at all. He definitely looked a much improved figure from the one who fought the Sudanese months ago, but was no match for the Hungarian. Final verdict: work on the fitness levels, improve tactical and technical awareness, improve skills and yes, back up your braggadocio with performance in the ring – the way Mohammed Ali did.

In my humble opinion, Golola Moses (of Uganda) was absolutely outclassed. Gracious acceptance and moves to improve on his skill might have gone a long way to save the brand. Now he’s gone from a hero who made us laugh and hope, to a mere laughingstock and the subject of many comedic punch lines (no pun intended).

Trust me; this is not the end of Golola Moses (of Uganda). He is still ranked 15th internationally and with a motor mouth that big, he can still yak his way into people’s hearts and wallets.

www.kawowo.com

Uganda KickBoxing Federation sets new date for Moses Golola rematch with Andras Nagy
 
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Posted by on December 14, 2011 in Stephen Twinoburyo's blogs